An eminent researcher of Greek philosophy: Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro Dr. Filip Ivanović, in an exclusive interview with Hellas Journal, during his first official visit to Athens (March 11-12, 2024)

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro Dr. Filip Ivanović, gave an exclusive interview to Hellas Journal and Panagiotis Pavlos, during his first official visit to Athens. Photo by Hellas Journal

During his first official visit to Athens, on March 11 and 12, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro, Dr. Filip Ivanović, offered an exclusive interview to Hellas Journal.

The head of diplomacy of the next candidate for accession to the European Union Balkan country and member state of NATO, had an extensive and cordial conversation with the correspondent of Hellas Journal in Oslo, and his old friend, Panagiotis Pavlos.

In the detailed discussion he had with him, Minister Ivanović pointed out the fervent support the Greek Government and his counterpart Mr. Georgios Gerapetritis provide to the top priority of Montenegro’s foreign policy, its accession to the EU. He referred to the recent Forum of Foreign Ministers in Antalya, Turkey, and his meeting with the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Fidan, while at the same time he called on Greece to strengthen its presence in the Balkan peninsula in various ways.

Dr. Ivanović made an impressive exhortation to young Greeks to be proud of their unique heritage. The fervor with which he speaks about Hellenism, Greek civilization, art and culture, and the Greek spirit in general, is evident as he reveals his personal relationship with Greece and Athens, being himself an eminent researcher of Greek philosophy with a large internationally recognized philosophical work and a unique contribution to the spread of Greek Paideia in his country.

Montenegro’s MFA emphasized the role that Balkan states such as Montenegro expect Greece to play in the region as the cradle of democracy and culture and as a guarantor of European unity and integration. He did not fail to expand on the possibilities and strategies for further deepening bilateral relations between Montenegro and Greece in several areas of cooperation, inter alia, the education of university students and Armed Forces executives, research exchange, cultural and scientific diplomacy, opportunities in the investment sector.

Finally, he pointed out the urgent need for a dynamic return of international diplomacy at a time of major disturbances in the international scene, at the center of which is the war in Ukraine and Gaza.

Hellas JournalYour Excellency, MFA of Montenegro Dr. Ivanović, dear Filip! It is such a pleasure to have you here, in your first official visit to Athens after assuming your duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro. We hope that you had a fruitful visit with productive meetings and communications with the Greek Government.

MFA Ivanović: I must say that I am very happy to be here in Athens. It is, as you have said, my first official visit to Greece since I became Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro. I am very pleased by the hospitality and the wholehearted greetings that I received here in Athens. On the first day of my visit, I spoke with the vice-president of the Parliament, as well as with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Hellenic Republic. I also used this opportunity to laid wreath in the tomb of Vasos Mavrovouniotis, as the Greeks know him, or Vaso Brajović, as the Montenegrins know him. He was a very prominent military figure of the 19th century in Greece, who was of Montenegrian origin, so it is just one of the very important historical figures that tie our two countries and our two peoples.

I am very happy with the meetings I had today, I have received quite a friendly welcome by all the officials. What is very important is the willingness of Greece to deepen the friendly and good relations that Montenegro and Greece have. Equally of great importance is that Greece fully supports the primary foreign priority goal of Montenegro, which is to become the first next member of the European Union. I was reassured by my interlocutors today that Greece is going to give its full support, both political and technical, to this goal.

HJ: How do you evaluate the attitude, the disposition of the Greek government towards a Minister of Foreign Affairs of a Balkan state country? In the sense that, you come here, you meet with the Government and at the same time, while you expectedly have certain topics and issues in the agenda, you offer them insights of how the Balkan states look upon Greece, and perhaps of what they expect from her. Was that a dimension in your discussions?

MFA Ivanović: Well, what I have said to my friends and interlocutors today, is that when it comes to chief Foreign Policy Goal, not just of Montenegro but also of other Balkan states which are joining the European Union, is to remind the pivotal role of Greece in this process that was marked by the 2003 Thessaloniki Summit, where there was promise for EU enlargement, especially for the countries of Balkans. Now we are twenty-one years later. So, this promise still needs to be fulfilled. I also conveyed to my interlocutors here in Athens that I expect Greece to take the leading role again, and to be a very vocal advocate of enlargement of the EU to all the other countries, but especially to those countries that are in the South-East European region. Greece has historical ties not just to Montenegro but also to other countries of this region. Greece knows very well what the advantages and, sometimes, the problems of the region are, and I believe Greece can be the best promoter of the European integration of the region. It will be extremely useful, I would say, for Greece’s foreign policy, for Montenegro’s foreign policy, for the region, but also for the EU.

HJ: You have assumed your duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro almost four months ago, yet in a period of unprecedented turbulences, both on the large picture but also regionally, such as the case is, for instance, with Ukraine and the Middle East; we are really experiencing tough times. So how does this geopolitical theater challenge countries such as Montenegro, which although not in the size of, say, Germany or France, yet demonstrate an increasing degree of integration in the Western institutions and certainly, they move to fully participate in the EU and, broadly, the international arena?

MFA Ivanović: As you know, Montenegro has been a NATO member for seven years. It is also the front-runner in the EU integration process. We believe that we can complete the process of negotiations within the next few years, and become, as I have said, the first next member of the EU. Indeed, the geopolitical situation is not very easy. We are facing crises in different parts of the world that are very difficult, that are challenging the very existence and concept of diplomacy and international order; and Montenegro has maintained a very clear position. This position is to uphold the international peace and stability and the respect for international law. In this regard, we have fully supported the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine; we have been, and we will continue to be fully aligned with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU, including sanctions against Russia in this conflict with Ukraine.

Of course, we must not forget the crisis in Gaza that has been unraveling before our eyes in the past few months. Here as well, Montenegro has kept a very balanced and principled position – it has condemned in strongest possible terms the terrorist attack of the 7th of October by Hamas; but it has also called constantly Israel to keep its response and its right to defend against terrorism within the boundaries of the International Law and the International Humanitarian Law. What we are advocating now is at least a humanitarian pause that would lead to complete ceasefire. We also believe that the two states solution is the best one for this conflict, that both Israel and Palestine have the right to have their own sovereign states living next to each other and that both need to be guaranteed safety. In our view, this is the only permanent solution of this crisis. This is what we are advocating in all multinational and multilateral fora.

On the other hand, the crisis and the Russian aggression in Ukraine has opened a new way of thinking in the EU. As you know, the process of enlargement of the EU has been quite technical in the past years, if not decade, and now it is crystal clear that the safety and prosperity of the European continent can be best achieved through its unity; and its unity can be best achieved through the membership in the EU. Therefore, I would say that now the way of thinking has changed; the process of enlargement is now perhaps more political, or, at least, in the same degree political as well as technical. Without doubt, Montenegro is on the way to use this window opportunity and, as I said, finish the whole process on its part by the end of the mandate of this government and become the first next member of the EU.

HJ: Recently, you participated in a rather big event, the Antalya Forum of Diplomacy that was organized and hosted by the Turkish minister of Foreign Affairs. There you had the chance to meet and discuss with your colleagues from many other countries but also with the host, the MFA of Turkey, Hakan Fidan. As you probably are aware, Greece has since December in 2023 embarked on a rapprochement process with Turke. This was sealed by the Declaration of Athens, in the beginning of last December, despite fundamental challenges and problems in the bilateral relations of the two countries, chiefly due to the revisionist character of Greece’s neighbour. Could you briefly tell us what did you get out of that meeting? And, if I may push a bit the question further: How does Montenegro regard Turkey’s role in the Balkans?

MFA Ivanović: Indeed, I participated in the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, and I must say it was a very big event and well organized. There I had the opportunity to meet with several colleagues, especially with those ones that us from Balkans, or from Europe, do not get a chance to meet very frequently. I mean mainly our colleagues and friends from Asia, Africa and Latin America. It was very interesting and useful to meet with a diverse group of politicians and colleagues and see where we can work together and improve our relations. I also met, as you have said, with the Türkiye’s Foreign Affairs Minister Fidan, it was our second meeting in the past couple of months. This meeting was very cordial, and I thanked him for the invitation and the organization of the forum, while we discussed certain issues of bilateral cooperation between Montenegro and the Turkish country. I must state that the relations between our two countries are good, and they are marked by good connectivity, by a number of Turkish investments in Montenegro, and by, I would say, very live political dialogue.

I am very aware and understand the relationship between Greece and Türkiye, and I can only say that where there are challenges and problems that is where diplomacy needs to step in. I would welcome and greet all the efforts between the two countries that have as their goal and as their result easing of the relationship between them and bettering the relations between the countries and between the peoples, based of course on mutual respect and respect of each other’s sovereignty. On the other hand, Montenegro and Türkiye and Greece, all three of them, are NATO allies. Greece is member of the EU, we are, as I said, frontrunner in the process of EU integration. Türkiye is also a candidate country for the EU, so I am sure that, as in all kinds of relationships there are things that perhaps separate us and things that we look at differently, so are also things that bind us and can bring us closer. Therefore, it would be very useful to work on those things that bring countries and peoples closer.

Türkiye is a very active actor in the Balkan region, not just in Montenegro, but also in other countries. I welcome its activity and its role in the Balkans. But I also very much welcome a more active role of Greece in the region. This is yet another thing that I conveyed to my interlocutors, that we are looking forward to a more active role and more visible presence of Greece in the region. Not only in terms of European integration, i.e., Greece’s support of EU integration, but also in terms of bilateral cooperation between Greece and the countries of Balkans.

HJ: Speaking of the relation between Montenegro and Greece in the perspective of joining common institutions such as the EU, one could remark that in the common consciousness of most of the Greek people, in the common perception at least of those who have a certain age, Montenegro is associated at large with the Serbian nation and people. How valid is this perception today? How would onemost accurately identify the modern state of Montenegro, the foreign policy of which you are leading, and what are Montenegro’s and its people’s aspirations today?

MFA Ivanović: During the history the destinies of individuals, of peoples and countries, have been very much intertwined. Many of today’s countries in the Balkans, including Montenegro and Serbia, have shared the same historical destiny throughout different eras. As you know, Montenegro and Serbia formed a state union that lived for almost ninety years, and of course, it is very natural that there are historical, cultural, and even familial ties between them. A third of the population in Montenegro considers itself to be Serbs. We have some forty five percent of people who identify themselves as Montenegrins, and we also have Bosniak, Albanian and Croatian population in Montenegro. But what is very important is that Montenegro is constitutionally defined as a secular and civic state, a state of citizens, not state of nations or ethnicities, and Montenegro is a country in which every individual citizen has the right to cherish and profess his or her own identity without bearing any kind of negative consequences, or repercussions. When it comes to the foreign policy, what is also very important now is that eighty percent of Montenegrin citizens – and that means Montenegrin citizens of all ethnicities and of all religions – are very pro-European and would like to see Montenegro as the next member of the EU. So, what we are doing is that we are pursuing a foreign policy that is a foreign policy of Montenegro as a unified civic country and that can be for the benefit of every single citizen regardless of his ethnicity, religion, or any other aspect of identity.

HJ: I would like to come now to a more personal level, since we also have a friendship that goes quite back in time and even a colleague relation connecting us in the field of philosophy. It is certain that much of the Greek people have no idea that you, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro, are not only a great friend of Greece in theory, a real philhellene, but also – and I wouldn’t fear to name it so – in praxis, both as a prolific scholar of ancient Greek and late antique philosophy, and one of the eminent experts in the study of Dionysius the Areopagite and its legacy. Please, could you tell us a bit about your relationship with Greece, its beginnings and how it evolved?

MFA Ivanović: Thank you for your question! It is always good to get back to my academic and scholarly origins. Indeed, by education I have a PhD in Philosophy and Religious Studies, and my field of expertise is Ancient Greek and Late Antique philosophy, as well as Byzantine philosophy. These are the topics and areas of philosophy that I was very much interested in since the very beginning of my studies in philosophy. Of course, the interest in those areas have naturally brought me to appreciate and to investigate even more Greek history, culture, and civilization. During my academic carrier I have had an opportunity and chance to visit many places in Greece; not just to visit but also to stay in Athens twice for a longer period, and to get to know the Greek people, the Athenian life. It is a very vibrant culture and society, and I must say that this very deep personal relationship to Greece that I have, would be best defined by one word. That word is ‘love’.

HJ: That’s fantastic! And, since love is the key word here, what would be the message that you would convey to the newer generation of Greeks today that, one could say, might not fully grasp the significance of Hellenism, and the awareness about it and the Greek spirit in general? What would be the advice both of a scholar who has spent years in studying Greek culture, philosophy and literature, and of a friend of Greece who is the Head of the Foreign Policy of a state of the Balkans that aspires to the contributions of Hellenism in the region?

MFA Ivanović: If I say that Greece and Greek culture is the cradle of the western civilization, I wouldn’t say anything new. But sometimes even the known and old things need to be repeated, in order to be remembered. If there are so many people outside Greece, not just in Europe but in other continents as well, in the Americas, Asia, Africa, that admire and love Greek history, civilization, culture, philosophy, art and so on, then people in Greece, especially the young generations should be very proud of their inheritance. This inheritance is not just about ancient Greek culture and civilization; it is not just about the Byzantine culture and civilization. It is also about modern Greece. It is about struggle for Freedom, for Liberty, for the values of Democracy, and this is something that should be cherished by every Greek young person. This is something they should be proud of and, as I said, if people outside of Greece are proud of it, then people within Greece should be even more proud of the legacy of their ancestors.

HJ: Coming now to something that perhaps few people know: we often speak of institutes, of friends’ culture, of Chinese culture – there are many hundreds of ‘Confucius’ Institutes all over the world – and one would expect Greece to have its own chain of cultural Institutions all around the globe. However, that is unfortunately not the case. But you again, several years ago, you established an initiative which I would call it rather unique. I mean the Center for Hellenic Studies in Podgorica, which, if I am not wrong, was established in 2015. Could you tell us a bit about that?

MFA Ivanović: The Center for Hellenic Studies was established in 2015 as a non-profit organization in Montenegro and it was a result of enthusiasm of a few colleagues of mine and myself, who are all in Montenegro, but are academically working on issues of Greek culture. Some of them have studied and spent research in Greece and have an in-depth knowledge of Greek culture and civilization. We thought that it is very important that we, like many other western countries and western research centres, establish an institution that is going to be fully dedicated to the study of Hellenic culture and civilization, from its ancient roots to the contemporary times. And we have founded the Center for Hellenic Studies in Podgorica.

We have launched an academic journal called ‘Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies’. This journal is now in its seventh year. It is, I would dare to say, a very good and prominent international journal. It is, for example, in the Scopus list of the academic journals, which is one of the prestigious lists of academic journals. We have also launched the International Conference of Hellenic Studies that was first held in Montenegro, in 2019. Unfortunately, the plan was to continue with the annual conference in different places in Montenegro, but the covid pandemic and some other crises have struck us, so the conference was postponed. But what we are also hoping is that we will renew the work of the Center and the work of the Conference. The whole point is to cherish, promote and investigate the relationship between the Hellenic culture, the Western civilization, and, of course, Montenegro is one of the particular places in Europe that has special ties with Greece.

I would also like to encourage my Greek friends to do their part and promote their own culture and civilization around the world through different means. One of the very effective means of doing that is by establishing and supporting Centres of Hellenic Studies throughout the world. We are of course not the only one, not the only Center for Hellenic Studies; there are many centres like that in the US, the UK, across Europe and even in Japan. So, this is a very good opportunity for cultural diplomacy, for scientific diplomacy, apart from pure basic academic research and interest.

HJ: Did you have the chance during your meetings at this visit to also raise issues on bilateral cooperation between Montenegro and Greece, precisely on this level of culture, of Paideia, research, and scientific collaboration? Or is it something that still there is room to work on soon?

MFA Ivanović: There are many areas in which Greece and Montenegro can collaborate even further. One of the good examples is the education of our cadets on military academies in Greece. This cooperation has been very fruitful and many young soldiers and officers from Montenegro have completed their studies in Greece. We have discussed, during my visit, the opportunities for increasing the number of scholarships that Greece is offering to Montenegrin students from both undergraduate and postgraduate studies, at Universities across Greece. We also discussed the possibilities of greater and stronger connection between Montenegrin and Greek universities and research institutions, because we think that working on mutual projects, exchange of academic staff, exchange of students, are some of the best opportunities to strengthen the ties between the two countries. I hope that, soon we will also have some bilateral agreements in place in the areas of culture, education, and research. Thus, we agreed that we should work harder on this together in the near future.

HJ: And the last question, dear Minister. What is your vision as the head of Montenegro’s foreign affairs policy, and how would you like to see it be incarnated?

MFA Ivanović: The government which I am a member of has laid down four main Foreign Policy Goals that we want to pursue. Number one Foreign Policy goal is Montenegro’s membership to the EU. The second FP goal is continued active and credible membership to NATO. Number three is good neighbourly relations and cherishing regional cooperation. And number four, which is a long-term goal, is about a more active and visible role of Montenegro in multilateral organizations, especially the UN. These are the FP goals to which we as the government, and especially us the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, are fully dedicated and working hard on achieving them.

When it comes to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, what I have promised and what the government has promised is renewal of our diplomatic network abroad; the focus on younger diplomats; the possibilities of offering different kinds of trainings through cooperation with different diplomatic academies and international institutions, more oriented towards practice, such as the Programs with the UNDP and similar organizations, field visits, etc.

We also want to include more – and what we are currently working on – is the bigger focus on cultural and scientific diplomacy, because we believe that these are the best ways that a rather small country can achieve bigger visibility on the international scene. So, we have actually now founded a Directorate for Economic and Public Diplomacy, within which we will have a bigger focus on cultural and scientific diplomacy.

In addition, we want to encompass all these ideas by a bigger focus on digital diplomacy, because we believe that in the twenty-first century combining contemporary information and communications technology with diplomacy can be a winning formula for Montenegro.

HJ: Your Excellency, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro, Dr. Ivanović, dearest Filip, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for this profound conversation and I cordially wish you all success in the rest of your trip here, in Athens, and your duties further. It was a great pleasure, and I am deeply grateful for the time you dedicated to this meeting and discussion.

MFA Ivanović: Thank you so much. It was my great pleasure first of all to see you, and then to have the honour to answer the questions you gave me.

PGP: All the best!

MFA Ivanović: Thank you.

Source:

Ο Πρέσβης ε.τ. Γεώργιος Αϋφαντής συζητά με τον Παναγιώτη Παύλο εφ’όλης της ύλης για τα εθνικά θέματα [20/8/2023]

Ο Πρέσβης ε.τ. Γεώργιος Αϋφαντής

Παρακολουθήστε αυτήν την εφ’όλης της ύλης συζήτηση του Παναγιώτη Παύλου με τον Πρέσβη ε.τ. Γεώργιο Αϋφαντή, στο πλαίσιο της Αυγουστιάτικης εκπομπής – αφιέρωμα του Δικτύου Ελληνισμού στα εθνικά θέματα, τη εξωτερική πολιτική της Ελλάδος, τα Ελληνοτουρκικά, και τις ευρύτερες διεθνείς εξελίξεις, η οποία έλαβε χώρα την Κυριακή 20/8/2023.

Πηγή Συνέντευξης:

Κανάλι YouTube Δικτύου Ελληνισμού /

Панагјотис Павлос: Ако којим случајем Грчка призна тзв. Кoсово као државу, остаће осрамоћена и без свог вековног савезника Србије

АТИНА – Панагјотис Г. Павлос, научни сарадник Универзитета у Ослу и Универзитета у Кембриџу, сматра да су ситни уступци Атине по питању тзв. Косова САД и Немачкој, главним спонзорима једнострано проглашене сецесије једног дела Србије, заправо крупни уступци Турској, као и да доводе у опасност везу Грчке са њеним вековним савезником Србијом.

„Када је 2001. године Ахмет Давутоглу у својој чувеној књизи „Стратегијска дубина” читавом свету обелоданио спољнополитички програм данашње Турске, заправо нам је учинио огромну услугу. Не само нама који се Турском и њеним амбицијама на Балкану занимамо с академске и геополитичке тачке, већ и сваком мислећем Грку”, наводи Павлос у ауторском тексту за грчки дневни лист „Демократија.

Још као професор, додаје Павлос, „Давутоглу је веома јасно описао оно на шта смо одавно сумњали”.

Међутим, једна теза из оног поглавља оригиналног издања његове књиге које говори о Балкану посебно ми се урезала у сећање: „Једини начин да Турска успе у остваривању својих неоосманистичких амбиција на Балкану јесте да не дозволи стварање осовине Београд – Атина”’, наводи грчки стручњак.

Једну од основних полуга турског утицаја на Балкану, како признаје Давутоглу а често понављају сви турски званичници, укључујући и самог Ердогана, чине „муслиманске заједнице”, од грчке Тракије све до Босне и Херцеговине, додаје он.

„Најпоузданију од свих Албанци, нарочито на Косову и Метохији где убедљиву већину њих, преко 95 одсто, чине сунити који су на ислам прешли за време вишевековне туркократије. Несумњиво је да Косово и Метохија представљају колевку српске државности. Али „Косово је Турска, Турска је Косово”, речи су Реџепа Тајипа Ердогана изговорене још пре десет година у Призрену, а није тајна да је Турска прва земља која је 2008. године признала једнострано проглашену независност јужне српске покрајине”, додаје се у тексту.

Са друге стране, како подсећа Павлос, иза једнострано проглашене независности Косова, поред Турске, стале су свом снагом и САД.

„За Вашингтон, није никаква тајна, Турска на Балкану, како је недавно у интервју за „Катимерини” отворено рекао Габријел Ескобар, највиши у хијерархији Стејт департмента задужен за југоисточну Европу, „није трећа земља”. Штавише, Америка снажно подржава повратак Турске и турског утицаја на Балкану, посебно у Албанији, Босни и Херцеговини и на Косову и Метохији”, каже Павлос.

Најновији доказ за ову тврдњу је, како истиче, чињеница да Вашингтон гура идеју да од јесени ове године команду међународних мировних снага на тзв. Косову преузме Турска.

„Има ту и неке симболике: ове године се обележава стогодишњица Малоазијске катастрофе, а Косово је оно место на коме су Турци освајајући Балкан наишли на најтврђи отпор хришћана, Срба, који су им у Боју за Косово убили султана.

Шта треба да ради званична Атина? Одговор је веома прост – све супротно од онога за шта се залаже, подржава и чврсто подупире Анкара. Ситни уступци које у последњих десетак година по питању Косова Грчка чини САД и Немачкој, главним спонзорима једнострано проглашене сецесије једног дела Србије, заправо су крупни уступци Турској”, каже Павлос и додаје да су то уступци који, између осталог, хране и подгревају освајачке апетите турских националиста.

У Анкари, како наводи грчки професор, трљају руке сваки пут када Атина направи неки корак ка Приштини. Било да се ради о отварању трговинске канцеларије Приштине у Атини (за време Ципрасове владе), њеном унапређењу у статус канцеларије за заштиту интереса (за време Мицотакисове владе) или о помпезној посети Никоса Дендијаса Приштини, преноси Танјуг.

„Који је интерес Грчке да чини ове уступке Анкари, Берлину и Вашингтону и на тај начин, ситним корацима се приближавајући косовским Албанцима, окреће леђа свом једином, правом и вековима поузданом савезнику на Балкану, Србији? Јер са једне стране, приче о економским интересима Грчке на Косову, бајке су за малу децу. Природне ресурсе на овој територији после противправне агресије НАТО на Србију 1999. већ су приграбили Американци и Немци, а једина локална индустрија која ради на Косову је заправо онај сектор који не регулише привредно, већ кривично право. Ако ме разумете шта хоћу да кажем.

Са друге стране, једини интерес косовских Албанаца је да од Грчке приграбе само једну ствар: признање њихове илегалне сецесије, остварене путем против међународног права почињене агресије НАТО, у којој Грчка, иако чланица НАТО, није учествовала”, додаје Павлос.

Аргументи које Американци и Немци све чешће на префињени начин пласирају у јавно мњење Грчке, да се однос Грчке према Косову неће одразити на кипарско питање, су, како упозорава, „димна завеса која не би смела да нам замагли поглед на стварност.

„Косово није никакав случај суи генерис, како су нас годинама убеђивали. Реч је о интернационализованом преседану, на које се неки већ позивају, и тек ће се позивати када им то буде одговарало.

Да закључим. Отварање приштинске канцеларије и све ове посете, из Атине у Приштину и обрнуто, представљају само један опасно себичан флерт из којега не може настати ништа трајно, часно, добро и поуздано. Шта ће се десити, ако се, не дао Бог, овај емоционални флерт заврши грчком срамотом у виду признања једностране независности Косова? Тог тренутка косовски Албанци ће раскинути ову „везу за једну ноћ” и вратити се тамо где им је историја одавно одредила место – у харем султана из Анкаре. Ако се, међутим, којим случајем буде десило то зло, Грчка ће остати осрамоћена и без свог вековног савезника Србије.

Да ли је Грчка довољно зрела да након преспанског самоубиства не пређе поново црвену линију сопственог достојанства и сопственог опстанка? Ако то није учинио Елефтериос Венизелос, и то док је Грчкој висио Дамоклов мач над главом, зашто би се, да то учини данас, усудио његов земљак и потомак Кирјакос Мицотакис?”, додаје грчки професор.

извор: https://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/543481/grcka-kosmet-priznanje

Greece and Kosovo – a one-night stand

When in 2001 Ahmet Davutoglu in his famous book “Strategic Depth” revealed to the whole world the foreign policy program of today’s Turkey, he actually did us a huge favor. Not only those of us who are interested in Turkey and its ambitions in the Balkans from an academic and geopolitical point of view but also to every thinking Greek, Davutoglu described very clearly what we have suspected for a long time.

By Panagiotis Pavlos

However, one thesis from the chapter of the original edition of his book that talks about the Balkans is particularly etched in my memory, “The only way for Turkey to succeed in achieving its neo-Ottoman ambitions in the Balkans is to not allow the creation of the Belgrade-Athens axis”.

One of the main levers of Turkish influence in the Balkans, as Davutoglu admits and is often repeated by all Turkish officials, including Erdogan himself, is made up of “Muslim communities”, from Greek Thrace all the way to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The most reliable of all are the Albanians, especially in Kosovo and Metohija, where the overwhelming majority of them, over 95 percent, are Sunnis who converted to Islam during the centuries-old Turkocracy. There is no doubt that Kosovo and Metohija represent the cradle of Serbian statehood. But “Kosovo is Turkey, Turkey is Kosovo”, were the words of Recep Tayyip Erdogan spoken ten years ago in Prizren, and it is no secret that Turkey was the first country to recognize the unilaterally proclaimed independence of the southern Serbian province in 2008.

On the other hand, in addition to Turkey, the United States stood behind the unilaterally declared independence of Kosovo. For Washington, it’s no secret that Turkey in the Balkans, as Gabriel Escobar, the highest in the hierarchy of the State Department in charge of Southeast Europe, openly said recently in an interview for “Kathimerini”, “is not a third country”.

Moreover, America strongly supports the return of Turkey and Turkish influence in the Balkans, especially in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo and Metohija. The latest evidence for this claim is the fact that Washington is pushing the idea that Turkey will take over the command of international peacekeeping forces in Kosovo starting this fall.

There is also some symbolism – this year marks the centenary of the Asia Minor disaster, and Kosovo is the place where the Turks, conquering the Balkans, encountered the toughest resistance from the Christians, the Serbs, who killed their sultan in the Battle for Kosovo.

What should official Athens do?

The answer is very simple – everything opposite to what Ankara stands for and strongly supports. The minor concessions that Greece has made in the last ten years regarding Kosovo to the US and Germany, the main sponsors of the unilaterally declared secession of a part of Serbia, are actually major concessions to Turkey.

Concessions that, among other things, feed and fuel the conquering appetites of Turkish nationalists. In Ankara, they rub their hands every time Athens takes a step toward Pristina. Whether it is the opening of Pristina’s trade office in Athens (during the Tsipras government), its promotion to the status of an office for the protection of interests (during the Mitsotakis government), or the pompous visit of Nikos Dendias to Pristina.

What is the interest of Greece in making these concessions to Ankara, Berlin, and Washington, and in this way, taking small steps closer to the Kosovar Albanians, turning its back on its only true and centuries-old reliable ally in the Balkans, Serbia? Because on the one hand, stories about Greece’s economic interests in Kosovo are fairy tales for small children. After the illegal NATO aggression against Serbia in 1999, the natural resources in this territory were already seized by the Americans and Germans, and the only local industry that works in Kosovo is actually the sector that is not regulated by economic law, but by criminal law. If you understand what I mean.

On the other hand, the only interest of the Kosovar Albanians is to seize only one thing from Greece – the recognition of their illegal secession, achieved through NATO aggression committed against international law, in which Greece, although a NATO member, did not participate.

Arguments that the Americans and Germans increasingly put in a refined way in the public opinion of Greece, that Greece’s attitude towards Kosovo will not affect the Cyprus issue, are a smokescreen that should not obscure our view of reality.

Kosovo is not a sui generis case, as we have been convinced for years. It is an internationalized precedent, which some are already referring to, and will only refer to when it suits them.

To conclude. The opening of the Pristina office and all these visits, from Athens to Pristina and vice versa, represent just one dangerously selfish flirtation from which nothing permanent, honorable, good, and reliable can emerge.

What will happen if, God forbid, this emotional flirtation ends with Greek shame in the form of recognition of Kosovo’s unilateral independence? At that moment, the Kosovar Albanians will break this “one-night relationship” and return to the place where history determined their place a long time ago – in the harem of the sultan from Ankara. If, however, by any chance that evil happens, Greece will remain disgraced and without its centuries-old ally Serbia.

Is Greece mature enough not to cross the red line of its own dignity and its own survival again after the Prespa suicide? If Eleftherios Venizelos did not do it, and while the sword of Damocles was hanging over Greece’s head, why would his countryman and descendant Kyriakos Mitsotakis dare to do it today?

Published in: Kosovo Online, 19 March, 2023.

Source: https://www.kosovo-online.com/en/personal-opinion/greece-and-kosovo-one-night-stand-19-3-2023